By Jide Ajani
This is a review of sorts of Alhaji Tanko Yakasai’s autobiography, a second part, due for launch on Tuesday. It is interesting, engaging and revealing.
Alhaji Salihu Abubakar Tanko Yakasai! The name is unmistakably political in nature; the man, immensely experienced; his actions, some times controversial; but together, he typifies everything a Nigerian politician is.
In the second part of his autobiography, that is due for public presentation this week, the man simply known as Tanko Yakasai is a bundle of information. The stories he provides in this book come across as deep are rare.The book is in seven parts, spanning 501 pages. Each part has a number of chapters.
Generally acceptable criteria of a book review would subject it to “tests of linguistic clarity, contribution to knowledge, intellectual credibility and falsifiability”, that is: Is it written in clear language? Has it contributed in some ways to knowledge? Intellectually, is the work credible – observing the rules of academic work in terms of referencing and proper attribution? Are there basis for debate based on information provided by the book? These are standards that a good autobiography should meet. The book fares well.
Alhaji Salihu Abubakar Tanko Yakasai was born on the 5th of December, 1926 in Yakasai, Kano, Kano State. “Tanko Yakasai”, as he is popularly called, received his early education in the Quranic Schools between 1933-1942 after which he was enrolled into Shahuchi Elementary School in Kano between 1941-1946. He went further in pursuit of Western education at the British Council English Tutorial classes in Kano between 1952-1955.
“He later proceeded to the University College, Ibadan, Extra-Mural Department where he obtained a Certificate in Comparative Federalism and another one in Problem of Independence and Development in 1956 and 1959 respectively. Un-relentless in his pursuit of Western education, Tanko Yakasai was subsequently offered a scholarship by the German-African Society to study at Wilhem Pieck Youths Higher Institute, Bogansee, East-Germany, where he obtained a Diploma Certificate in Political Economy in 1963”.
The book begins in Chapter One of Part One with the military coup that toppled the Second Republic. In the following parts and chapters, Tanko Yakasai drags the readers through most of the political developments in the country; not necessarily in a chronological manner but in some instances on the relationships between events.
And whereas Tanko Yakasai presents a first-person reportage of events – as expected of an autobiography – some of the events as portrayed by Yakasai present basis for arguments and argumentation as well as intense debates.
For instance, whereas he reproduces an online report of the events leading to the killing of Ken Saro Wiwa, along with the earlier murder of the Ogoni Nine, the elder statesman’s contextualization of the events presents a confusing mix of endorsement and repudiation of each instance of killing. For the reader, it would not be easy to immediately place where Tanko Yakasai’s interest is regarding this presentation.
In the book, Tanko Yakasai makes bold to celebrate his relationship with late dictator, General Sani Abacha. He reveals the importance of the relationship between the former military leader and himself and does not feel ashamed to have had a relationship with him which even in death, was not denied. Only few would go that far for a relationship – Yakasai is not a fair weather friend.
A progressive – with antecedents firmly rooted in the Northern Elements Progressive Union, NEPU – Yakasai’s political savvy knows no bounds but he could be miscalculating. Savvy: During the Ibrahim Babangida years, the “Committee of Patriots, COP, was registered in the office of the President, Babangida’s title as Commander-in-Chief”.
Yakasai says he, along with Alao Aka-Bashorun, Baba Omojola and Tunji Otegbeye in the south became part of the organisation with aview to pursuing another agenda – that is use the COP, to begin a rebuilding process for progressives in the country. They were able to bring to the fold a veteran NCNC stalwart, Chief R. B. K. Okafor, who agreed to take charge of the activities in the eastern part of the country, with a view to doing their undercover politicking.
Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande, was also described as “a worthy fried” of his. Because of the proximity with the seat of the federal government, seated in Lagos then, “we decided not to use the Committee of Patriots for our activities in the south. Instead, we decided that Tunji should work through former UPN members”.
Miscalculation: His close relationship with Abacha and the plans for the establishment of a political party, preparatory to Abacha’s transmutation into a civilian leader did not factor in death. Abacha’s death killed all the plans, just 48hours after he had met with the maximum dictator in Aso Rock Presidential Viila, agreeing on fresh terms of engagement.
You will discover in the book that anything Alhaji Yakasai feels strongly about must be carried through strongly. From his involvement with Abacha on a few assignments, to Obasanjo’s campaign for a second term and his objection to the way President Goodluck Jonathan began dismantling his predecessor’s structures even as a mere acting President, Tanko Yakasai does not in any way shy away from expressing his views strongly. In fact, in the case of Jonathan at that time, he actually wrote to Senate President David Mark and Speaker Dimeji Bankole, expressing his reservations on the way Jonathan was carrying on.
On the 1994/1995 report of the Constitutional Conference which produced a draft constitution, Yakasai also makes his position known, especially against the doctored version that is today the 1999 constitution. He gave a snippet of the last days of Abacha. He said he spent six months trying to get an appointment with Sani Abacha but could not – inspite of their relationship which was considered robust.
Abacha became withdrawn. Contrary to reports that Abacha refused to see people, Yakassai reveals how Abacha himself was to express surprise that he, Yakassai, had withdrawn himself from him. He said it was a chance meeting by his wife in Aso Rock that created the opportunity for Abacha to give a telephone number through which he re-established direct contact with the head of state just two days before his death.
Yakasai can be humble and purely honest: “It was from Kola that I happened to see a cell phone for the first time (in 1993 at the Kaduna office of Shehu Musa Yar’Adua). I noticed him talking through the phone apparently to his father, giving him every assurance that everything was under control.
More so, it was through that conversation I had an impression that my mission was likely going to hit the rock” (He had planned to counsel Yar’Adua on the need for a rethink on his planned support for MKO Abiola at the SDP convention in Jos).
If one name rang through almost every chapter of the book, it is the name of Alhaji Muhammadu Adamu Dankabo (Chairman of Kabo Holdings), his childhood friend. This may not be your typical book review, but a few of the issues revealed in the book are presented here:
THE FAILED KIDNAP SAGA OF UMARU DIKKO
Umaru Dikko was kidnapped and caged in a box in London on the 5th of July, 1984 but the British Police Security Network at London Airport saved him as he was about to be flown out of Britain and brought back to Nigeria by his kidnapers. Major Muhammed Yusuf (rtd.) along with three Israelis (Alexander Barak, 27; Levi-Aric Shapiro, 43; and Phillip Abiball, 31) who were involved in the kidnap attempt were subsequently arrested and sentenced on the 11th of July, 1984.
Following this development, the British parliament on the 6th of July, 1984 resolved to break diplomatic ties with Nigeria over what they termed “illegal kidnapping”. As a result, two Nigerian diplomats were ordered out of Britain on the 12th of July, 1984 with seven day ultimatum. The Nigerian military government also took a reciprocal action against Britain in similar manner. That incident therefore resulted in major diplomatic row between Nigeria and its former colonial ruler since Nigeria’s independence in 1960.

Alhaji Tanko Yakassai
In spite of that, Dankabo and I resolved to return home separately as soon as the borders were opened, each for a different reason. After finishing our business in the Iceland, we immediately returned to London and stayed in Dankabo’s house awaiting further development. We spent a few days in London, but as soon as the airports were opened, Dankabo suggested that he would proceed home first and I should remain in London to await communication from him, promising to feed me with any available information. But, he never did.
After a few days, waiting without receiving any feedback from him, I decided to return back to Nigeria. I took the next available flight to Kano. On my arrival, I was welcomed by a group of security agents at the Kano airport. They took my passport, collected my luggage and ushered me to their office in the airport.
Thereafter, I was taken to the detention centre in the Kano State Government House where other political detainees were being held. Those already being detained there included three former Kano State governors; Alhaji Muhammadu Abubakar Rimi, Alhaji Abdu Dawakin Tofa and Alhaji Sabo Bakin Zuwo.
Others were two former deputy-governors; Dr. Tijjani Abdullahi and Alhaji Wada Abubakar. In addition, there were some former state commissioners such as Shehu Muhammad Shanono and Alhaji Muhammadu Maude as well as a businessman, Alhaji Garba A. D. Inuwa. Maude was the Presidential Liaison Officer for Kano State during the first tenure of President Shehu Shagari.
THE MOVE TO KIRIKIRI
One day, after taking our lunch, we were informed that a directive was sent from the headquarters of the National Security Organisation (NSO) that we should be transferred to Lagos. Without wasting any time, we were conveyed to the airport in Kano enroute to Lagos.
On our arrival at Lagos airport, we were met by a number of officers from the NSO, waiting for our arrival. We were immediately driven to their headquarters at Awolowo Road, Ikoyi, Lagos, where we met a number of other arrested former political office holders who were also brought there.
Among the detainees we met at the NSO headquarters were Ibrahim Gusau, who had already returned from Lome, Sale Jambo, Olusola Saraki and a number of others. Some of them had been there for almost two weeks. They were kept in a degrading situation with many of them wearing the same set of clothes for almost fourteen days without being given the opportunity to change.
After a few hours of our arrival, we were taken direct to Kirikiri, where we arrived around 7p.m. Luckily for us, we had taken our lunch before leaving Kano; those who were not so lucky were not able to eat anything for the whole of that day. By the time we were ushered into the cell, it was past 11p.m.
Initially, four persons were allocated to one cell. Garba A. D. Inuwa, Abdu Dawakin Tofa, Sabo Bakin Zuwo and I were grouped together. The arrangement was later altered in which only three people were accommodated in one cell. Abdu Dawakin Tofa and Sabo were separated from us and Dabo Mohammed Lere was later brought in to join Garba A. D. Inuwa and myself in the same cell.
ADAPTING TO PRISON LIFE IN STYLE
Unknown to me, when we surrendered our belongings to the prison authorities, Garba A. D. did not surrender all the money he had. When he later informed me of the situation, I spoke to one of the prisoners posted to be cleaning our cell. I asked him whether it would be possible for him to get some items like mats, bed-sheets, pail and white-wash for us and he indicated his willingness to assist.
So, we gave him some money to buy the items we needed. He took the money and the following day, he brought the items for us. The block where we were accommodated consisted of a number of cells, which were originally used for keeping armed robbers and condemned criminals. The occupants were therefore evacuated to make room for us. The block was dirty with blood stains all over the walls; the floor was also filthy and smelling.
After bringing the items he bought for us, we made arrangement with him to get more prisoners to clean and paint the cell. The following day, he came with four other prisoners and within a relatively short period of time they completed the job. We made that arrangement in secret for fear that the warders may stop it if they happened to know about it before hand.
We did not even tell our colleagues of the development; but they suddenly discovered a spectacular change in the outlook of our cell and were taken by surprise. In addition to improving the facility in our cell, we also spread mats in the room, wall to wall. A few days later, we bought more new bed sheets, pillows and blankets. Some of our colleagues approached us to make similar arrangement for their cells and the prisoners gladly carried out the assignments, as it became a lucrative business to them. Soon, those prisoners cleaned up most of the cells.
Nevertheless, we made special arrangement that made the warders ‘smiled’ as it is said in the prison language. Therefore they became our veritable contact with the outside world. Through them, we were able to secretly make arrangement for the supply of things we needed, like food and other necessities which are normally not allowed by the authorities.
One thing with prison life is that as long as you can afford it, you can live comfortably, provided you are willing to spend your money and willing to comply with orders by the prison authorities. There are always willing collaborators not only among the inmates but also among the warders whose condition of life is only slightly better than that of the prisoners.
Suddenly, on the 8th of February 1984, some senior inmates organized a peaceful protest against what they called “executive treatment of politicians.” When in fact, we were paying for the so-called comfort we were enjoying. There is also the free flow of news and information in and outside the prison. Prisoners are mostly more up-to-date on current affairs; they know more than what an ordinary man outside would know. By and large, the prison condition in Nigeria is inhuman. Unlike the situation elsewhere, where prison is used for the purpose of reforming the inmates, here it is often used for punitive purposes.
FOR ALEX EKWUEME, PRISON IS HELL
Former political office holders who arrived in that prison before us were people like Alhaji Lawan Kaita, Chief Solomon Lar, Chief Wilberforce Juta, Chief Sam Mbakwe, Alhaji Abubakar Barde, Isaac Shaahu, Alhaji Muhammadu Goni, Malam Balarabe Musa, Alhaji Abba Musa Rimi, Chief Bola Ige and Alhaji Lateef Jakande.
Others were Chief Michael Ajasin, Bisi Onabanjo, Jim Nwobodo, Melford Okilo, Dr. Garba Nadama, Victor Masi, Alhaji Ibrahim Tahir, Alhaji Adamu Ciroma, Alhaji Ali Baba, Sunday Afolabi, Ahmed Musa, Abdullahi Adamu, Collins Obi, S. G. Ikoku, Aper Aku, among others, most of whom were either former governors or ministers.
Dr. Alex Ekwueme, former vice-president came a day before us. Of all the detainees in Kirikiri prison during our stay, Dr. Ekwueme was more worried than the rest of us. For some days, he kept to himself in his cell, coming out only to go to lavatory or to take bath; he was not mingling with other detainees like the rest of us. The matter therefore became a big source of embarrassment to those of us who were members of his party, NPN. We consulted among ourselves and decided to talk to him to feel free like the rest of us.

Tanko Yakassai
I was among those detailed to see him. At the beginning, it was not so easy. But as time went on, we were able to make some headway. As a way of doing away with the distress, he expressed the wish to learn Hausa language and Lawal Kaita and myself volunteered to teach him the language. Gradually, Ekwueme started to interact with fellow detainees and was engaging in a number of physical exercise activities.
During our stay at Kirikiri, the main pre-occupation of most of the detainees was fervent meditation and offering of ardent prayers by both Christians and Muslims alike asking God to end our suffering and punish those responsible for our predicament.
Those of us who are Muslims would read the complete text of the Holy Qur’an as many times as possible everyday, quite apart from a number of verses from the Holy Book being repeatedly recited in thousands daily after the early morning and last evening prayers everyday. Our fellow Christian inmates too were similarly engaged in their own way.
The main target of our prayer was the Head of State, General Muhammadu Buhari and his deputy, Brigadier-General, Tunde Idiagbon. We fervently prayed to God to make them experience the same type of ordeal and hardships we were innocently subjected to under their regime.
May be it was our ardent prayers which led to the eventual overthrow of that regime. Our stay in Kirikiri therefore engendered the spirit of reconciliation among all the inmates despite our different political affiliations. When the military took over power, they treated members of all the five parties alike, throwing their leaders into jail without due process of the law. For that reason, we were all united against the regime.
‘THE ABACHA I KNEW’
General Abacha was a man of courage, and very calculated. Once he is committed to a project, he would devote as much attention to it as was necessary for its realisation. He was meticulous to the minutest detail. Although he was portrayed as a dictator, General Abacha was very liberal when it comes to discussing and analysing issues. He was a very good listener and would debate an issue until he was either convinced or he was able to convince the other party.
In a meeting, he always allowed free discussion and he was ever-ready to abide by majority decision. He always remembered previous agreement reached and would insist on keeping faith to such decisions as long as they were not reviewed by consensus.
General Abacha talked less and didn’t like repetition. He always insisted that issues should be addressed directly and was less argumentative. He would listen to people talking to him patiently, interjecting with some questions for clarification whenever that becomes necessary.
The “Doctrine of Necessity”
As the debate about the health of the president was raging, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo initiated a move to get former Nigeria’s heads of state to meet and add pressure on Yar’Adua to write a letter of resignation to the National Assembly. He contacted former President Shehu Shagari, being the oldest, urging him to summon the meeting.
Shagari refused on protocol ground that as long as General Gowon is alive, it is not for him, to summon such a meeting. Obasanjo then contacted General Gowon who agreed to summon the meeting on certain conditions. The meeting eventually took place and passed a resolution in support of the stand taken by the Senate.
With that development, I made contact with some people on the need for us to have a meeting that would counter the move of the Senate and that being supported by some former heads of state. Barrister Bashir Dalhatu, Alhaji Sani Zangon Daura joined me to convene that meeting.
But, at that time, Sani Zangon Daura was in Saudi-Arabia and he was relating to us by phone. Bashir Dalhatu and I conducted our campaign more effectively, through the media. We later convened a meeting of some prominent northerners, which was attended by over one hundred people. Alhaji Inuwa Wada, First Republic Minister of Defence, and one time Acting Prime-Minister of the country, who was senior to both Gowon and Shagari in age and rank, chaired our meeting.
By the time Alhaji Inuwa Wada was Minister of Defence, Gowon was a Lieutenant-Colonel and Alhaji Shehu Shagari was a junior minister in the government of Tafawa Balewa. Our meeting passed a number of resolutions in support of the court ruling, which vindicated the position taken by people who supported President Yar’Adua.
All of us were aware that the president was not well and like anybody else, the fate of a sick person is in the hand of God. Our stand was therefore, informed by the realization that those who were campaigning against the President were doing so with the intention of removing him from office so that even if he were to die as a result of his illness, they wanted him to die out of office in disgrace. The issue divided the nation. Even the cabinet appointed by Yar’Adua became factionalised as some members wanted President Yar’Adua removed at all cost while others remained firmly loyal to him.
When the Senate delegation that went to Saudi-Arabia returned without seeing the president, members of the cabinet who wanted him removed initiated another delegation to Saudi-Arabia, this time around, with the intention of ascertaining his state of health. Unknown to them, as they were on their way, the president was preparing to return to Nigeria.
That was a few days after he granted interview to the BBC Hausa service in which he confirmed that he was receiving treatment and was hoping to return home to resume his work if his doctors felt he would be in a position to do so. Even with BBC broadcast of the interview which the president granted, his opponents were busy denying that the voice heard from the interview was not that of Yar’Adua and they were trying to invoke the provision of section 145 of the Constitution to begin the process of removing him from office.
That section speaks on the president writing to inform the National Assembly of his absence from the country on health or any other ground. The section was widely mis-interpreted by the opponents of the president in the media. By this time, the Senate had quickly managed to pass a resolution, which the senate-president said was passed under what he called “Doctrine of Necessity”, using the interview Yar’Adua granted to BBC as communication to the National Assembly that he was abroad receiving medical treatment as ground to invoke that section of the constitution. Section 145 of the Constitution did not make it obligatory on the president to write to the National Assembly as the court ruled.
According to the opinion of the judge who handed down that ruling, the operative word in the provision under section 145 is “whenever” which means, it is only discretionary on the part of the president to write to the National Assembly if he so wishes.
The section is reproduced below: 145-Whenever the president transmits to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, a written declaration that he is proceeding on vacation or that he is otherwise unable to dis-charge the function of his office, until he transmit to them a written declaration to the contrary such functions shall be discharged by the vice-president as Acting President.
By the time the Senate passed that resolution, attention was turned to the House of Representatives where intense pressure was being mounted on the Speaker and other principal officers of the House to follow suit. Due to the pressure, the Speaker agreed to allow the House to consider the issue as a matter of urgent national interest.
The House, after an extensive debate, reluctantly passed a different version of the resolution, which members said, they passed in accordance with the court decision and in the interest of peace in the country. Clearly, the decision of the House was not in consonance with that of the Senate and was taken through undue pressure on the members.
Source: Vanguard Newspaper
Written by NEWSTRAWL ONLINE UPDATE
Sodiq Oyeleke is a Media, Human Resources, Project Management and Public Relations Practitioner
0 comments:
Post a Comment